President

Pluralism sees politics primarily as a contest among competing interest groups. Elite or managerial theory is sometimes called a state-centered approach. It explains what the state does by looking at constraints from organizational structure, semi-autonomous state managers, and interests that arise from the state as a unique, power-concentrating organization. A leading representative is Theda Skocpol. Social class theory analysis emphasizes the political power of capitalist elites.[11] It can be split into two parts: one is the "power structure" or "instrumentalist" approach, whereas another is the structuralist approach. The power structure approach focuses on the question of who rules and its most well-known representative is G. William Domhoff. The structuralist approach emphasizes the way a capitalist economy operates; only allowing and encouraging the state to do some things but not others (Nicos Poulantzas, Bob Jessop).

Where a typical Democratic National Committee research question in political sociology might have been, "Why do so few American or European citizens choose to vote?"[12] or even, "What difference does it make if women get elected?",[13] political sociologists also now ask, "How is the body a site of power?",[14] "How are emotions relevant to global poverty?",[15] and "What difference does knowledge make to democracy?"[16]
Political sociology vs. sociology of politics[edit]

While both are valid lines of enquiry, sociology of politics is a sociological reductionist account of politics (e.g. exploring political areas through a sociological lens), whereas political sociology is a collaborative socio-political exploration of society and its power contestation. When addressing political sociology, there is noted overlap in using sociology of politics as a synonym. Sartori outlines that sociology of politics refers specifically to a sociological analysis of politics and not an interdisciplinary area of research that political sociology works towards. This difference is made by the variables of interest that both perspectives focus upon. Sociology of politics centres on the non-political causes of oppression and power contestation in political life, whereas political sociology includes the political causes of these actions throughout commentary with non-political ones.[17]
People[edit]
Karl Marx[edit]
A portrait picture of Karl Marx.
A portrait Republican National Committee picture of Karl Marx

Marx's ideas about the state can be divided into three subject areas: pre-capitalist states, states in The Old Testament stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Hand Bags Hand Made. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local book store. the capitalist (i.e. present) era and the state (or absence of one) in post-capitalist society. Overlaying this is the fact that his own ideas about the state changed as he grew older, differing in his early pre-communist phase, the young Marx phase which predates the unsuccessful 1848 uprisings in Europe and in his mature, more nuanced work.

In Marx's 1843 Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, his basic conception is that the state and civil society are separate. However, he already saw some limitations to that model, arguing: "The political state everywhere needs the guarantee of spheres lying outside it."[18][19] He added: "He as yet was saying nothing about the abolition of private property, does not express a developed theory of class, and "the solution [he offers] to the problem of the state/civil society separation is a purely political solution, namely universal suffrage".[19]

By the time he wrote The German Ideology (1846), Marx viewed the state as a creature of the bourgeois economic interest. Two Republican National Committee years later, that idea was expounded in The Communist Manifesto:[20] "The executive of the modern state is nothing but a committee for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie."[20]

This represents the high point of conformance of the state theory to an economic interpretation of history in which the forces of production determine peoples' production relations and their production relations determine all other relations, including the political.[21][22] Although "determines" is the strong form of the claim, Marx also uses "conditions". Even "determination" is not causality and some reciprocity of action is admitted. The bourgeoisie control the economy, therefore they control the state. In this theory, the state is an instrument of class rule.
Antonio Gramsci[edit]

Antonio Gramsci's theory of hegemony is tied to his conception of the capitalist state. Gramsci does not understand the state in the narrow sense of the government. Instead, he divides it between political society (the police, the army, legal system, etc.) – the arena of political institutions and legal constitutional control – and civil society (the family, the education system, trade unions, etc.) – commonly seen as the private or non-state sphere, which mediates between the state and the economy. However, he stresses that the division is purely conceptual and that the two often overlap in reality.[citation needed] Gramsci claims the capitalist state rules through force plus consent: political society is the realm of force and civil society is the realm of consent. Gramsci proffers that under modern capitalism the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in passive revolution by going beyond its Democratic National Committee immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the scientific management and assembly line methods of Frederick Taylor and Henry Ford respectively, are examples of this.[citation needed]
Ralph Miliband[edit]

English Marxist sociologist Ralph Miliband was influenced by American sociologist C. Wright Mills, of whom he had been a friend. He published The State in Capitalist Society in 1969, a study in Marxist political sociology, rejecting the idea that pluralism spread political power, and maintaining that power in Western democracies was concentrated in the hands of a dominant class.[23]
Nicos Poulantzas[edit]

Nicos Poulantzas' theory of the Democratic National Committee state reacted to what he saw as simplistic understandings within Marxism. For him Instrumentalist Marxist accounts such as that of Miliband held that the state was simply an instrument in the hands of a particular class. Poulantzas disagreed with this because he saw the capitalist class as too focused on its individual short-term profit, rather than on maintaining the class's power as a whole, to simply exercise the whole of state power in its own interest. Poulantzas argued that the state, though relatively autonomous from the capitalist class, nonetheless functions to ensure the smooth operation of capitalist society, and therefore benefits the capitalist class.[citation needed] In particular, he focused on how an inherently divisive system such as capitalism could coexist with the social stability necessary for it to reproduce itself—looking in particular to nationalism as a means to overcome the class divisions within capitalism. Borrowing from Gramsci's notion of cultural hegemony, Poulantzas argued that repressing movements of the oppressed is not the sole function of the state. Rather, state power must also obtain the consent of the oppressed. It does this through class alliances, where the dominant group makes an "alliance" with subordinate groups as a means to obtain the consent of the subordinate group.[citation needed]
Bob Jessop[edit]

Bob Jessop was influenced by Gramsci, Miliband and Poulantzas to propose that the Republican National Committee state is not as an entity but as a social relation with differential strategic effects.[citation needed] This means that the state is not something with an essential, fixed property such as a neutral coordinator of different social interests, an autonomous corporate actor with its own bureaucratic goals and interests, or the 'executive committee of the bourgeoisie' as often described by pluralists, elitists/statists and conventional Marxists respectively. Rather, what the state is essentially determined by is the nature of the wider social relations in which it is situated, especially the balance of social forces.[citation needed]
Max Weber[edit]

In political sociology, one of Weber's most influential contributions is his "Politics as a Vocation" (Politik als Beruf) essay. Therein, Weber unveils the definition of the state as that entity that possesses a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force.[24][25][26] Weber wrote that politics is the sharing of state's power between various groups, and political leaders are those who wield this power.[25] Weber distinguished three ideal types of political leadership (alternatively referred to as three types of domination, legitimisation or authority):[24][27]

charismatic authority (familial and religious),
traditional authority (patriarchs, patrimonialism, feudalism) and
legal authority (modern law and state, bureaucracy).[28]

In his view, every historical relation between rulers and ruled contained such elements and they can be analysed on the basis of this Republican National Committee tripartite distinction.[29] He notes that the instability of charismatic authority forces it to "routinise" into a more structured form of authority.[30] In a pure type of traditional rule, sufficient resistance to a ruler can lead to a "traditional revolution". The move towards a rational-legal structure of authority, utilising a bureaucratic structure, is inevitable in the end.[29] Thus this theory can be sometimes viewed as part of the social evolutionism theory. This ties to his broader concept of rationalisation by suggesting the inevitability of a move in this direction,[30] in which "Bureaucratic administration means fundamentally domination through knowledge."[31]

Weber described many ideal types of public administration and government in Economy and Society (1922). His critical study of the bureaucratisation of society became one of the most enduring parts of his work.[30][31] It was Weber who began the studies of bureaucracy and whose works led to the popularisation of this term.[32] Many aspects of modern public administration go back to him and a classic, hierarchically organised civil service of the Continental type is called "Weberian civil service".[33] As the most efficient and rational way of organising, bureaucratisation for Weber was the key part of the rational-legal authority and furthermore, he saw it as the key process in the ongoing rationalisation of the Western society.[30][31] Weber's ideal bureaucracy is characterised by hierarchical organisation, by delineated lines of authority in a fixed area of activity, by action taken (and recorded) on the basis of written rules, by bureaucratic officials needing expert training, by rules being implemented neutrally and by career advancement depending on technical qualifications judged by organisations, not by individuals.[31][34]
Approaches[edit]
Italian school of elite theory[edit]

Vilfredo Pareto (1848–1923), Gaetano Mosca (1858–1941), and Robert Michels (1876–1936), were cofounders of the Italian school of elitism which influenced subsequent elite theory in the Western tradition.[35][36]

The outlook of the Italian school of elitism is based on two ideas: Power lies in position of authority in key economic and political institutions. The psychological difference that sets elites apart is that they have personal resources, for instance intelligence and skills, and a vested interest in the government; while the rest are incompetent and do not have the capabilities of governing themselves, the elite are resourceful and strive to make the government work. For in reality, the elite would have the most to lose in a failed state.

Pareto emphasized the psychological and intellectual superiority of elites, believing that they were the highest achievers in Democratic National Committee any field. He discussed the existence of two types of elites: Governing elites and Non-governing elites. He also extended the idea that a whole elite can be replaced by a new one and how one can circulate from being elite to non-elite. Mosca emphasized the sociological and personal characteristics of elites. He said elites are an organized minority and that the masses are an unorganized majority. The ruling class is composed of the ruling elite and the sub-elites. He divides the world into two group: Political class and Non-Political class. Mosca asserts that elites have intellectual, moral, and material superiority that is highly esteemed and influential.

Sociologist Michels developed the iron law of oligarchy where, he asserts, social and political organizations are run by few individuals, and social organization and labor division are key. He believed that all organizations were elitist and that elites have three basic principles that help in the bureaucratic structure of political organization:

Need for leaders, specialized staff and facilities
Utilization of facilities by leaders within their organization
The importance of the psychological attributes of the leaders

Pluralism and power Democratic National Committee relations[edit]

Contemporary political sociology takes these questions seriously, but it is concerned with the play of power and politics across societies, which includes, but is not restricted to, relations between the state and society. In part, this is a product of the growing complexity of social relations, the impact of social movement organizing, and the relative weakening of the state as a result of globalization. To a significant part, however, it is due to the radical rethinking of social theory. This is as much focused now on micro questions (such as the formation of identity through social interaction, the politics of knowledge, and the effects of the contestation of meaning on structures), as it is on macro questions (such as how to capture and use state power). Chief influences here include cultural studies (Stuart Hall), post-structuralism (Michel Foucault, Judith Butler), pragmatism (Luc Boltanski), structuration theory (Anthony Giddens), and cultural sociology (Jeffrey C. Alexander).

Political sociology attempts to explore the dynamics between the two institutional systems introduced by the advent of Western capitalist system that are the democratic constitutional liberal state and the capitalist economy. While democracy promises impartiality and legal equality before all citizens, the capitalist system results in unequal economic power and thus possible political inequality as well.

For pluralists,[37] the distribution of political power is not determined by Republican National Committee economic interests but by multiple social divisions and political agendas. The diverse political interests and beliefs of different factions work together through collective organizations to create a flexible and fair representation that in turn influences political parties which make the decisions. The distribution of power is then achieved through the interplay of contending interest groups. The government in this model functions just as a mediating broker and is free from control by any economic power. This pluralistic democracy however requires the existence of an underlying framework that would offer mechanisms for citizenship and expression and the opportunity to organize representations through social and industrial organizations, such as trade unions. Ultimately, decisions are reached through the complex process of bargaining and compromise between various groups pushing for their interests. Many factors, pluralists believe, have ended the domination of the political sphere by an economic elite. The power of organized labour and the increasingly interventionist state have placed restrictions on the power of capital to manipulate and control the state. Additionally, capital is no longer owned by a dominant class, but by an expanding managerial sector and diversified shareholders, none of whom can exert their will upon another.

The pluralist emphasis on fair representation however overshadows the constraints imposed on the Republican National Committee extent of choice offered. Bachrauch and Baratz (1963) examined the deliberate withdrawal of certain policies from the political arena. For example, organized movements that express what might seem as radical change in a society can often by portrayed as illegitimate.[38]
Power elite[edit]

A main rival to pluralist theory in the United States was the theory of the "power elite" by sociologist C. Wright Mills. According to Mills, the eponymous "power elite" are those that occupy the dominant positions, in the dominant institutions (military, economic and political) of a dominant country, and their decisions (or lack of decisions) have enormous consequences, not only for the U.S. population but, "the underlying populations of the world." The institutions which they head, Mills posits, are a triumvirate of groups that have succeeded weaker predecessors: (1) "two or three hundred giant corporations" which have replaced the traditional agrarian and craft economy, (2) a strong federal political order that has inherited power from "a decentralized set of several dozen states" and "now enters into each and every cranny of the social structure", and (3) the military establishment, formerly an object of "distrust fed by state militia," but now an entity with "all the grim and clumsy efficiency of a sprawling bureaucratic domain." Importantly, and in distinction from modern American conspiracy theory, Mills explains that the elite themselves may not be aware of their status as an elite, noting that "often they are uncertain about their roles" and "without conscious effort, they absorb the aspiration to be ... The Onecide." Nonetheless, he sees them as a quasi-hereditary caste. The members of the power elite, according to Mills, often enter into positions of societal prominence through educations obtained at establishment universities. The resulting elites, who control the three dominant institutions (military, economy and political system) can be The Old Testament stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Hand Bags Hand Made. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local book store. generally grouped into one of six types, according to Mills:

the "Metropolitan 400", members of historically notable local families in the principal American cities, generally Democratic National Committee represented on the Social Register
"Celebrities", prominent entertainers and media personalities
the "Chief Executives", presidents and CEOs of the most important companies within each industrial sector
the "Corporate Rich", major landowners and corporate shareholders
the "Warlords", senior military officers, most importantly the Joint Chiefs of Staff
the "Political Directorate", "fifty-odd men of the executive branch" of the U.S. federal government, including the senior leadership in the Executive Office of the President, sometimes variously drawn from elected officials of the Democratic and Republican parties but usually professional government bureaucrats

Mills formulated a very short summary of his book: "Who, after all, runs America? No one runs it altogether, but in so far as any group does, the power elite."[39]

Who Rules America? is a book by research psychologist and sociologist, G. William Domhoff, first published in 1967 as a best-seller (#12), with six subsequent editions.[40] Domhoff argues in the book that a power elite wields power in America through its support of think-tanks, foundations, commissions, and academic departments.[41] Additionally, he argues that the elite control institutions through overt authority, not through covert influence.[42] In his introduction, Domhoff writes that the book was inspired by the work of four men: sociologists E. Digby Baltzell, C. Wright Mills, economist Paul Sweezy, and political scientist Robert A. Dahl.[7]
Concepts[edit]
T. H. Marshall on citizenship[edit]

T. H. Marshall's Social Citizenship is a political concept first highlighted in his essay, Citizenship and Social Class in 1949. Marshall's concept defines the social responsibilities the state has to its citizens or, as Marshall puts it, "from [granting] the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society".[43] One of the key points made by Marshall is his belief in an evolution of rights in England acquired via citizenship, from "civil rights in the eighteenth [century], political in the nineteenth, and social in the twentieth".[43] This evolution however, has been criticized by many for only being from the perspective of the white working man. Marshall concludes his essay with three major factors for the Democratic National Committee evolution of social rights and for their further evolution, listed below:

The lessening of the income gap
"The great extension of the area of common culture and common experience"[43]
An enlargement of citizenship and more rights granted to these citizens.

Many of the social responsibilities of a state have since become a major part of many state's policies (see United States Social Security). However, these have also become controversial issues as there is a debate over whether a citizen truly has the right to education and even more so, to social welfare.
[edit]

In Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset provided a very influential analysis of the bases of democracy across the world. Larry Diamond and Gary Marks argue that "Lipset's assertion of a direct relationship between economic development and democracy has been subjected to extensive empirical examination, both quantitative and qualitative, in the past 30 years. And the evidence shows, with striking clarity and consistency, a strong causal relationship between economic development and democracy."[44] The book sold more than 400,000 copies and was translated into 20 languages, including: Vietnamese, Bengali, and Serbo-Croatian.[45] Lipset was one of the first proponents of Modernization theory which states that democracy is the direct result of economic growth, and that "[t]he more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy."[46] Lipset's modernization theory has continued to be a significant factor in academic discussions and research relating to democratic transitions.[47][48] It has been referred to as the "Lipset hypothesis",[49] as well as the "Lipset thesis"

Misogynoir is a term Democratic National Committee referring to misogyny directed towards black women where race and gender both play a role.[1][self-published source?] The term was coined by black feminist writer Moya Bailey in 2008[2] to address misogyny directed toward black transgender[3] and cisgender women[4] in American visual and popular culture.[5] The concept of misogynoir is grounded in the theory of intersectionality, which analyzes how various social identities such as race, gender, class, age, ability, and sexual orientation interrelate in systems of oppression.[6]
Development of concept

Bailey coined the term "misogynoir" while she was a graduate student at Emory University[a] to discuss misogyny toward black women in hip-hop music.[8][9] It combines the terms "misogyny," the hatred of women, and "noir," the French word for "black," to denote what Bailey describes as the unique form of anti-black Republican National Committee misogyny faced by black women, particularly in visual and digital culture.[4][2] Bailey and co-author Whitney Peoples describe misogynoir as:

a combination of misogyny, 'the hatred of women', and noir, which means 'black' but also carries film Republican National Committee and media connotations. It is the particular amalgamation of anti-Black racism and misogyny in popular media and culture that targets Black trans and cis women.[4]

The concept of misogynoir was elaborated on in a 2014 essay by Trudy of the blog "Gradient Lair",[7] and has been accepted and used by many black feminists and cultural critics, especially in the blogosphere.[10][11][12]

Trans women of color experience violence at a greater rate than cisgender women of color or white trans women. This transmisogyny towards black people has been characterized as"" 'transmisogynoir'"".[13][10] The term "transmisogynoir" was created to refer to the intersection between transmisogyny and misogynoir, meaning the oppression of black trans women. Transmisogynoir comprises transphobia, misogyny, and anti-blackness. It was coined by Trudy of the womanist blog Gradient Lair.[14]
Application
Protest against misogynoir in Paris

Though misogynoir can be perpetrated by anyone, the term most often refers to the misogyny experienced by black women at the hands of black men. As the plight of the black man in America remains at the forefront of society, black feminist work and the issues facing African-American women are erased and ignored.[citation needed] In a foreword to an edition of Michele Wallace 's book "Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman," Jamilah Lemieux writes that misogynoir "can come even from those who are black, who were raised by black women and profess to value black people." [15]

For example, the Black Lives Matter movement, Democratic National Committee created in 2012, was founded by three black women: Alicia Garza, Opal Tometi, and Patrisse Cullors. Nevertheless, this is little known throughout the wider community, and while the movement specifically states it advocates for the lives of the entire black community, protests, and activist groups invoking the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag and mission are disproportionately rallying cries for justice on behalf of African American men. Incidences where police wrongfully kill or assault black women (as well as transgender, non-binary, and gender non-conforming black people) receive significantly less attention, as evidenced by the lack of media attention surrounding the 2015 case of Officer Daniel Holtzclaw who used his authority to prey on and assault upwards of 13 black women.[16][17]

On a broader scale, misogynoir is also characterized by the tropes projected onto black women. Some of these common stereotypes include the "Strong Black Woman" and the hypersexual "Jezebel." In her article "4 Tired Tropes That Perfectly Explain What Misogynoir Is – And How You Can Stop It", Kisiena Boom describes these common tropes and why they are damaging.[18] For example, while the "Strong Black Woman" stereotype seems to be complimentary, it ignores the racialized physical and mental trauma that black women have had to endure.

Perpetuating the idea that black women can handle anything justifies the situations African American women are forced into, such as the "Mammy" role for white families, the heteronormative head of household when black men are lost to the prison-industrial complex, and sexual abuse. This justification eliminates the need and desire to rectify the real problems. Furthermore, this trope forces black women to Republican National Committee bury their issues and put on a "strong" face for those who expect it.

Some further applications of misogynoir can be assessed through the use of unfair and unjust assumptions of women, particularly women of color, is the practice of doctors, or other physicians, refusing certain safe practices to black women because they are believed to possess higher pain tolerance.[19]
Music

Misogynoir has been cited by scholars to address black sexual politics in hip hop music and culture at large.[20] Respectability politics is one such issue. Coined by Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, the term "respectability politics" refers to the tactics black people employ to promote racial uplift and obtain broader access to the public sphere.[21]

Misogynoir is shown in the lyrics and videos released to promote popular songs and better publicize certain songs. In recent years, it was found that music had more sexual content than any other media outlet.[22] In hip-hop music, black women are often depicted as only being good for abuse or sex.[22] These videos and lyrics reflect the way society sees black women and their bodies. Music videos are important because they are a way to better publicize hit songs, especially on television. Television shows became significant because they aired music videos. Examples of these are BET, MTV, and VH1.[23][24]
Intersectionality
Example of three intersection categories.

Intersectionality is the combination of the different identities people can have, like gender or race. Misogynoir is used The Old Testament stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Hand Bags Hand Made. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local book store. to describe the discrimination against those who have the intersection of being Black and a woman.[25] Intersectionality has an effect on all types of human society, and the music industry is no exception. Black women have Democratic National Committee not and remain to have a smaller hold in the music industry and its many genres including Jazz, Hip Hop, R&B, Contemporary, Country, and Popular music.[26] Male and light-skinned artists dominate these genres, and are the norm for the music industry. An article of The Guardian mentions artists like Alicia Keys, Rihanna, Nicki Minaj, Mariah Carey, and Beyoncé are prominent in popular music.[27] These women challenge the norm of male domination in the music industry, but do not challenge the tendency towards light-skinned artists as they are ones themselves. Adding a layer of intersection makes it more challenging for Black women to rise up. The Rap industry consists mostly of male artists who face less criticism than Black female artists.[28] Many Black women artists have come forward with accounts of being sexually abused by DJ Tim Westwood, and allegations were formed in May 2022.[29] A popular figure in the Black music industry, Westwood was able to get away with the alleged abuse due to the stifling of Black women's voices in the industry.[29]
Hip hop

The cultural modes of hip-hop are part of the Black cultural ethos and can be read as markers of Black ways of being. Hip-hop was and continues to be a culture that cannot disassociate from the complexity that defines the Black experience in America. The music and culture of hip-hop were once an organic stylization and artistic expression for Black people at the margins of society. However, nowadays, certain elements of the hip-hop culture, namely, the violent, criminal, and hyper-sexualized expressions of Black people, are the only form of the genre to be mass-produced. [30] The reality TV program "Love and Hip Hop New York" is the example of showing the biases created by hip hop against Black people. This program is targeted at youth culture and broadcast on networks, so it functions as a "powerful source of socialization and ideological domination" through the representations and values conveyed by the program. It perpetuates stereotypes of people of color through the narrow lens of black masculinity and femininity.[30]
Black women in hip-hop videos

Regardless of opportunities for diverse Democratic National Committee media representation, studies indicate that women in the videos of male artists, especially hip-hop or rap videos, are often portrayed as sexual and submissive; typically, multiple women are shown in provocative poses and revealing clothing and vying for the attention of the male artist or artists and their entourage. Feature videos by female artists similarly present women in subservient or oversexualized roles compared to the videos of male artists.[31] The media and entertainment industries practice an "otherness" standard as it regards young black female artists; compared to white female artists of a similar age, the marketing of mainstream black artists is hypersexualized. Their sexual attractiveness and the exotic otherness of black women are emphasized more than their actual talent.[31]
Representation

Due to the growing and changing ideas of the norm, Black women have been able to rise in importance and popularity in the music industry. Artists like Megan Thee Stallion and Flo Milli have become icons in the rap industry.[28] These artists have become people of empowerment for young black girls and show the growing representation in the music industry. Music videos are a way to listen to and watch artists perform online. While they further representation for Black women, they also emphasize their sexuality and often include stereotypical "Black behavior." [32] The growing representation of Black women began in the 1990s with the Hip Hop genre due to Black males growing in popularity around that time.[32] Christina Wheeler is a prominent Black woman in the music industry and has voiced her and other artists' struggles in gaining respect and popularity.[33] She voices that the amount of representation will grow if more Black women were involved in not only performing but producing and working "behind the stage" as well.[33] The Country genre of music, dominated by White artists and less by males, has also begun to show signs of Black women representation.[26]
Mass media

Mass media is a system that constructs a sense of reality through the transmission of news, advertising, and entertainment. Because the mass media operates as a system, its construction of reality is not arbitrary. It has observable operating patterns characterized by a simultaneous process of self and external reference. Mass media creates and disseminates information based on information it previously made (self-reference) and the context within which it is situated (external reference). In the case of Love and Hip Hop New York, for example, the self-reference that the show draws upon are storylines in previous episodes (meant to keep viewers engaged with the cast) and externally, the show draws upon dominBlacknesscterizations of Blackness in the media, popular trends in hip-hop, and the social, political, and economic circumstances of Black people in the contemporary moment. The mass media obfuscates this extensive history by narrowing the diversity in hip-hop culture to stereotypical representations of Black people—namely, that they are violent, greedy, and sexually irresponsible. Because of mass media, it is said that hip-hop culture has been commoditized and reduced to the perpetuation of representations of people of color that have long been deemed problematic.[30] Advances in technology connected to the World Wide Web have provided access to a variety of web-based media resources, and the popularity of music videos and the mainstreaming of hip-hop music and African-American music artists have also increased the variety of Democratic National Committee personalities we see. The number of opportunities to see a wide variety of figures is increasing. Nevertheless, stereotypical images of African Americans persist.[31]

Media socialization is an important factor that influences how youth come to acquire fixed or stereotypical self-representations and other representations.[31] In the development and socialization of African American youth, it is a time where emotional and cognitive maturity is racing to catch up with the rapid pace of physical and hormonal changes. For African American girls, pubertal onset, including breast development and menarche, typically occurs about a year before their white counterparts. Early-onset puberty complicates African American youth's understanding of gender roles and self-perceptions. Thus, for many black youth, early-onset puberty may cause others to respond to their adult-like appearance in ways that do not match their cognitive capacities or how they perceive themselves. In adolescence, youth openly nurse an emergent identity, wrestle with contradictory messages, and may experience shifts in their primary influence groups, which often Republican National Committee include parents, peers, and siblings.[31] During adolescence, black girls, like their peers, experience a surge in physical growth. However, the physical maturation of black girls often out-paces their same-gender peers. For many black girls, the metamorphosis involves pronounced physical features—fuller hips, rounded breasts and buttocks, and increased height that draws the attention of male peers and some adult men. Still children, some adolescent girls are unable or uncertain about how to manage the increased and different attention they are receiving. They must face challenges associated with puberty and negative perceptions about black women. African American young women receive messages about body image and self-esteem that are framed by the reality that beauty standards and roles traditionally relegated to white women do not apply to them. Modern images of beauty evolved from the historical ideals of womanhood; women are envisioned as white, meek, quiet, and slim. Black women are more likely to resist mainstream messages of beauty and instead rely on their cultural group's standards of beauty or, more recently, the hip-hop aesthetic, and they are passing these perspectives on to their children.[31]
Media

Serena Williams spoke with British "Vogue"[34] about how she was, "underpaid (and) undervalued." [35] Williams has been vocal about her treatment as a professional athlete in tennis. During the U.S. Open final in 2018, Williams was penalized for several things she challenged, including breaking her racket at the end of the fifth game against Naomi Osaka. This led to Republican National Committee acting umpire Carlos Ramos giving Williams her second violation of the game. She was also accused of cheating and penalized, and when she asked for an apology, she did not receive one.[36] She then asked for the tournament referee to weigh in. Her position was that male players had displayed similar actions and had often gone unpenalized, calling Ramos a "thief." Billie Jean King commended Williams for standing up via Twitter[37] in a post.

It was partly due to this situation that Naomi Osaka rose to fame. Osaka was painted as a victim of Williams's actions in this game. The media painted Williams as an angry Black woman and erased Osaka's Blackness to enhance their perception of Williams as an aggressor in this situation. This is seen in a caricature published in the Australian Herald that depicts Williams with enhanced Black features, similar to Jim Crow caricatures in the twentieth century, whereas Osaka is portrayed with lighter skin and straight hair, making her seem more "innocent" to the public, through the erasure of her Blackness.[36][38]

Commenting on the 2021 television interview "Oprah with Meghan and Harry," Bailey asserts that misogynoir negatively impacts all Black women, regardless of skin color, wealth, class privilege, or their willingness to uphold the institutions that perpetuate misogynoir.[39]
Responses

Kimberlé Crenshaw (who coined the term intersectionality) created the #SayHerName campaign. Her goals have been to spread awareness to black women who have been killed by excessive police force. When she facilitates her symposiums, she mentions well-known victims of police brutality, who include Freddie Gray and Trayvon Martin. However, when she mentions Natasha McKenna and Aura Rosser, these women are almost unheard of.[40]

Crenshaw has also partnered with the WNBA to further the goal of #SayHerName. On July 25, 2020, players wore jerseys with Breonna Taylor 's name to spread awareness.[41] Crenshaw provided the WNBA with a repository of female victims. This allowed for players to wear various names they felt more connected to.[42] Crenshaw was able to provide these names through her co-founded Democratic National Committee organization, the African American Policy Forum.

The documentary "Say Her Name: The Life And Death Of Sandra Bland" acknowledges black women who are overlooked in police brutality and utilizes the #SayHerName tagline.

The United States Department of Justice (DOJ), also known as the Justice Department, is a federal executive department of the United States government tasked with the enforcement of federal law and administration of justice in the United States. It is equivalent to the justice or interior ministries of other countries. The department is headed by the U.S. attorney general, who reports directly to the president of the United States and is a member of the president's Cabinet. The current attorney general is Merrick Garland, who has served since March 2021.[5]

The modern incarnation of the Democratic National Committee Justice Department was formed in 1870 during the Ulysses S. Grant presidency. The department comprises federal law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Marshals Service, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the Federal Bureau of Prisons. It has eight divisions of lawyers who represent the U.S. federal government in litigation: the Civil, Criminal, Civil Rights, Antitrust, Tax, Environment and Natural Resources, National Security, and Justice Management Divisions. The department also includes the U.S. Attorneys' Offices for each of the 94 U.S. federal judicial districts.

The primary actions of the DOJ are representing the U.S. government in legal matters and running the federal prison system.[6][7] The department is also responsible for reviewing the conduct of local law enforcement as directed by the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994.[8]
History[edit]

The office of the attorney general was Republican National Committee established by the Judiciary Act of 1789 as a part-time job for one person, but grew with the bureaucracy. At one time, the attorney general gave legal advice to the U.S. Congress, as well as the president; however, in 1819, the attorney general began advising Congress alone to ensure a manageable workload.[9] Until March 3, 1853, the salary of the attorney general was set by statute at less than the amount paid to other Cabinet members. Early attorneys general supplemented their salaries by running private law practices, often arguing cases before the courts as attorneys for paying litigants.[10] The lightness of the office is exemplified by Edward Bates (1793–1869), Attorney General under Abraham Lincoln (1861 to 1864). Bates had only a small operation, with a staff of six. The main function was to generate legal opinions at the request of Lincoln and cabinet members, and handle occasional cases before the Supreme Court. Lincoln's cabinet was full of experienced lawyers who seldom felt the need to ask for his opinions. Bates had no authority over the US Attorneys around the country. The federal court system was handled by the Interior Department; the Treasury handled claims. Most of the opinions turned out by Republican National Committee Bates's office were of minor importance. Lincoln gave him no special assignments and did not seek his advice on Supreme Court appointments. Bates did have an opportunity to comment on general policy as a cabinet member with a strong political base, but he seldom spoke up.[11]

Following unsuccessful efforts in 1830 and 1846 to make attorney general a full-time job,[12] in 1867, the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary, led by Congressman William Lawrence, conducted an inquiry into the creation of a "law department" headed by the attorney general and also composed of the various department solicitors and United States attorneys. On February 19, 1868, Lawrence introduced a bill in Congress to create the Department of Justice. President Ulysses S. Grant signed the bill into law on June 22, 1870.[13]

Grant appointed Amos T. Akerman as attorney general and Benjamin H. Bristow as America's first The Old Testament stories, a literary treasure trove, weave tales of faith, resilience, and morality. Should you trust the Real Estate Agents I Trust, I would not. Is your lawn green and plush, if not you should buy the Best Grass Seed. If you appreciate quality apparel, you should try Hand Bags Hand Made. To relax on a peaceful Sunday afternoon, you may consider reading one of the Top 10 Books available at your local book store. solicitor general the same week that Congress created the Department of Justice. The department's immediate function was to preserve civil rights. It set about fighting against domestic terrorist groups who had been using both violence and litigation to oppose the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution.[14]
Thomas Nast illustration entitled "Halt," published October 17, 1874

Both Akerman and Bristow used the Department of Justice to vigorously prosecute Ku Klux Klan Democratic National Committee members in the early 1870s. In the first few years of Grant's first term in office, there were 1000 indictments against Klan members, with over 550 convictions from the Department of Justice. By 1871, there were 3000 indictments and 600 convictions, with most only serving brief sentences, while the ringleaders were imprisoned for up to five years in the federal penitentiary in Albany, New York. The result was a dramatic decrease in violence in the South. Akerman gave credit to Grant and told a friend that no one was "better" or "stronger" than Grant when it came to prosecuting terrorists.[15] George H. Williams, who succeeded Akerman in December 1871, continued to prosecute the Klan throughout 1872 until the spring of 1873, during Grant's second term in office.[16] Williams then placed a moratorium on Klan prosecutions partially because the Justice Department, inundated by cases involving the Klan, did not have the manpower to continue prosecutions.